The Crisis — Volume 03 — Story, Setting & Ideas
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The catalog record for The Crisis — Volume 03 — Story, Setting & Ideas provides practical reading context through 23,068 words, 1 hr 41 min estimated reading time, and 3 detected text sections.
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Here was an epic movement indeed, for South St. Louis was a great sod uprooted from the Fatherland and set down in all its vigorous crudity in the warm black mud of the Mississippi Valley. Here lager beer took the place of Bourbon, and black bread and sausages of hot rolls and fried chicken. Here were quaint market houses squatting in the middle of wide streets; Lutheran churches, square and uncompromising, and bulky Turner Halls, where German children were taught the German tongue. Here, in a shady grove of mulberry and locust, two hundred families were spread out at their ease.
For a while Richter sat in silence, puffing at a meerschaum with a huge brown bowl. A trick of the mind opened for Stephen one of the histories in his father's library in Beacon Street, across the pages of which had flitted the ancestors of this blue-eyed and great-chested Saxon. He saw them in cathedral forests, with the red hair long upon their bodies. He saw terrifying battles with the Roman Empire surging back and forth through the low countries. He saw a lad of twenty at the head of rugged legions clad in wild skins, sweeping Rome out of Gaul. Back in the dim ages Richter's fathers must have defended grim Eresburg. And it seemed to him that in the end the new Republic must profit by this rugged stock, which had good women for wives and mothers, and for fathers men in whose blood dwelt a fierce patriotism and contempt for cowardice.
This fancy of ancestry pleased Stephen. He thought of the forefathers of those whom he knew, who dwelt north of Market Street. Many, though this generation of the French might know it not, had bled at Calais and at Agincourt, had followed the court of France in clumsy coaches to Blois and Amboise, or lived in hovels under the castle walls. Others had charged after the Black Prince at Poitiers, and fought as serf or noble. in the war of the Roses; had been hatters or tailors in Cromwell's armies, or else had sacrificed lands and fortunes for Charles Stuart. These English had toiled, slow but resistless, over the misty Blue Ridge after Boone and Harrod to this old St. Louis of the French, their enemies, whose fur traders and missionaries had long followed the veins of the vast western wilderness. And now, on to the structure builded by these two, comes Germany to be welded, to strengthen or to weaken.
Richter put down his pipe on the table.
"Stephen," he said suddenly, "you do not share the prejudice against us here?"
Stephen flushed. He thought of some vigorous words that Miss Puss Russell had used on the subject of the Dutch."
"No," said he, emphatically.
"I am glad," answered Richter, with a note of sadness, in his voice. "Do not despise us before you know more of us. We are still feudal in Germany--of the Middle Ages. The peasant is a serf. He is compelled to serve the lord of the land every year with so much labor of his hands. The small farmers, the 'Gross' and 'Mittel Bauern', we call them, are also mortgaged to the nobles who tyrannize our Vaterland. Our merchants are little merchants--shopkeepers, you would say. My poor father, an educated man, was such. They fought our revolution."
"And now," said Stephen, "why do they not keep their hold?"
"We were unused to ruling," he answered. "We knew not how to act--what to do. You must remember that we were not trained to govern ourselves, as are you of the English race, from children. Those who have been for centuries ground under heel do not make practical parliamentarians. No; your heritage is liberty--you Americans and English; and we Germans must desert our native land to partake of it."
"And was it not hard to leave?" asked Stephen, gently.
The eyes of the German filled at the recollection, nor did he seem ashamed of his tears.
"I had a poor old father whose life was broken to save the Vaterland, but not his spirit," he cried, "no, not that. My father was born in 1797. God directed my grandfather to send him to the Kolnisches gymnasium, where the great Jahn taught. Jahn was our Washington, the father of Germany that is to be.
The third volume of The Crisis opens with a specific, almost oppressive sense of place: 'Summer, intolerable summer, was upon the city at last.' The narrator immediately establishes a social geography, noting which wealthy families have fled to country retreats or distant springs, and which remain. Stephen Brice, the young Bostonian, is caught between these worlds—invited to the heights of Bellefontaine and Glencoe, yet spending his days in a stifling law office under Judge Whipple's exacting eye. The prose is precise about class and location, from the 'bob-tailed horse-cars' on Olive Street to the 'two dirty hours' on the railroad to Glencoe. This is not a generic historical backdrop; it is a carefully mapped social terrain.
The Geography of Allegiance
The narrative repeatedly uses physical and social space to define character and conflict. Stephen's world is divided by more than the coming war: there is the 'polite American society' north of Market Street and the German immigrant community south of it, which Richter introduces him to as 'Germany itself.' The description of Glencoe—'magic spot, perched high on wooded highlands'—is immediately undercut by the gritty reality of the railroad journey required to reach it. Even the Meramec River is personified as a bride to the 'turbid tyrant' Mississippi. These details are not decorative; they map the tensions between refinement and rawness, North and South, old money and new arrivals. The narrator's eye for such contrasts—the elegant porch versus the dusty streetcar, the country paradise versus the dirty train—suggests a world where every location carries political and social weight.
Watching the Lovers and the Politicians
At the Freeport debate, Stephen's attention is drawn not to the speeches but to the 'loving couples, whose devotion was so patent to the whole world.' The narrator describes them with a mixture of irony and tenderness: hands locked, chewing cream candy in unison, oblivious to the fifes and drums. Stephen's own thoughts are hinted at—'O that love were so simple a matter to all!'—but his face betrays only 'Boston scorn.' This moment of personal reflection is set against the political theater: the banners, the torches, the 'Little Giant's' torchlight procession, and the careful calculations of farmers and delegates. The narrative juxtaposes private longing with public performance, suggesting that the crisis of the title is not only national but personal. Stephen's fear that his hero Lincoln might be 'a homespun demagogue' reveals the uncertainty beneath his partisan fervor.
The Weight of a Single Question
The climax of the excerpt is the anticipation of the famous question Stephen has copied into his notebook. The narrative builds tension through the physical details of the Brewster House lobby—'rather dirty, since the supply of spittoons was so far behind the demand'—and the careful positioning of candidates and supporters. Lincoln's remarks are described as 'so simple and rang so true, and were so free from political rococo and decoration generally' that even the young men forgot their sweethearts. This is a precise observation about Lincoln's rhetorical style, not a general praise. The contrast with Douglas's 'magnificence' is drawn through the logistics of their campaigns: the 'two and thirty guns' for Douglas versus the 'Winnebago County for the Tall Sucker' banner for Lincoln. The question itself is not quoted, but its weight is felt in Stephen's 'fear of the sophisticated Judge and Senator and man of the world.'
Readers attentive to the novel's method will notice how the narrator uses small, concrete details—a silk skull-cap, a beer garden, a cream candy—to anchor larger historical forces. The crisis is not only the national one but the quiet crisis of a young man trying to read the character of his hero and the society around him. The excerpts leave the outcome of the debate and Stephen's judgment unresolved, inviting the reader to watch how these tensions develop.
Reading about Stephen Brice watching the Lincoln-Douglas debates, I kept thinking how quietly exhausted everyone seemed—not just by words, but by the weight of choosing. That restless unease reminded me of something deeper in The malady of the century — Background and Themes, as if the same trembling question hid beneath both: what do we do with what we cannot settle?
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